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Eamonn Lafferty was the first IRA volunteer to be killed by crown forces in Derry in the recent phase of our struggle. Coming in the immediate aftermath of the introduction of internment and inside the perimeter of what was at that time Free Derry it had an indelible impact on the whole community. We also remember IRA Volunteer James O’Hagan.who lost his life in a shooting in the Waterside the following day. James’s 40th anniversary is tomorrow.



Eamon Lafferty personified the courage and determination of the youth of Derry and Ireland at a crucial juncture in our history and was unfortunately one of many courageous Volunteers of Briogáid Dhoire, Óglaigh na hÉireann to die in action against Crown Forces in this City asserting our inalienable right to sovereignty and Freedom.



Eamon recognised the legacy of partition, the nature of the Orange state in which his fellow nationalists/Catholics existed as less than second-class citizens, politically and economically and decided to play his part in challenging those responsible for that situation – British government interference in our country.



It says a lot about Eamon’s strength of character that in the IRA at that time he was identified as a leader at the young age of eighteen and led from the front in many actions without fear until his untimely death following a fierce gun battle with British forces 40 years ago today - just two months short of his twentieth birthday.

It was the courage and idealism of Eamon and his comrades that inspired the struggle and laid the foundations on which we are now developing the road to the New Republic. In the situation - political, social and economic - in which Eamon Lafferty’s generation found themselves as they came up to the mark and stood against the repression, discrimination and social disadvantage and irreversibly changed the political landscape on this island.



Eamon Lafferty’s short inspirational life had a profound impact on the people of Derry. A great change happened, things would never be the same again. But you can see it all around you in the Creggan from the foundation of the Eamon Lafferty Cumann and the part played throughout the years by its members in Community organisations and every aspect of Community Development over the past 40 years. And those of us who have been there throughout know that it has been a long hard struggle. We are immensely proud of Eamon and all those like him who made great sacrifices to bring political change. There is nothing happy or joyous in the loss of life, whatever the circumstances, we in the republican community which has suffered through the conflict also acknowledge the suffering and loss endured by families of those who were opposed to us and all those non-combatants who lost their lives in too many terrible circumstances.



Observers would say that we would not be in the position where we are now to influence the progression of the political process on the island if not for the sacrifices of the IRA. They also said that it was the IRA that brought the governments to the negotiation table.

Whatever about those opinions the republican community of which the IRA was a part, have inspired and guided us in every step of the negotiations and into the peace and political process in which we continue to engage and drive.



There are more and more people in Ireland today looking to Sinn Féin for leadership and it is incumbent on us to give that leadership if we are to achieve our primary goal and that for which Eamon Lafferty and hundreds of Volunteers laid down their lives.



It would be remiss of me on this occasion not to reflect on the major impact made by the selfless actions of the Hunger Strikers whose 30th anniversary occurs this year.



I want to extend my solidarity to the families of Bobby, Francie, Raymond, Patsy, Joe, Martin, Kevin, Kieran, Tom and Mickey, and to all the families of our patriot dead.

The sacrifices of the Hunger Strikers had a profound effect on subsequent developments with the election of Bobby Sands as MP for Fermanagh/South Tyrone having a particular influence on the political trajectory on which republicans embarked following that momentous and traumatic period. The hunger strike was 30 years ago. It was a watershed moment in Irish history.



The hunger strike came at the end of a decade in which the British government had employed every conceivable weapon in its substantial military and political arsenal. This included its determination to forge political alliances with the SDLP and the Irish government in an attempt to stem the growing influence of republicans and undermine our developing peace and political strategy.



The British aim was simple – to protect British interests, and to defeat Irish republicanism and the struggle for Irish re- unification and independence.

While the foundations for the peaceful, democratic process in which we now play a major part layed in the years following the Hunger Strike, IRA volunteers like Eamon Lafferty continued to engage the might of the British Army.

Senior members of the British army conceded that they could never hope to defeat the IRA. Eventually in the aftermath of the 1997 general election the British government led by its Prime Minister Blair came to the negotiating table. I have had many very interesting conversations with Tony Blair, the most interesting of which took place during the week leading to the Good Friday Agreement when he admitted that after studying Irish History that it was his view that successive British governments were as responsible as anyone from the north for the situation that partition had brought.

Because of the contributions and the sacrifices made during the long war, we are now on a daily basis charting the way forward to a New Republic in which all the peoples of Ireland can participate with pride on the basis of equality. A Republic that will reflect the views and aspirations of all its citizens!



But everyone needs to be clear about the type of republic we want to create. The process will involve a national debate, a conversation that will engage the greatest number of people possible – nationalist, unionist as well as republicans. It will also involve the new Irish and reach out to the diaspora. Most importantly, the new Republic must be relevant to those who will live in it.



Sinn Féin wants to change the status quo on this island not join it. We are a country in transition, a country in continuous change and Sinn Féin is driving that change. Even the naysayers who continue in their endeavours to derail our progress and forward projectory of our struggle, cannot deny that we have achieved much change in the last forty years. But there is much more work to be done and that is where I urge today’s youth to take inspiration from Eamon Lafferty and his generation to build on the progress thus far and complete the journey which must now be completed by purely peaceful and democratic means. This is the expressed will of the people of Ireland from Derry to Kerry from Belfast to Cork.



The construction of the New Republic will require the reconciliation of Orange and Green. It will require that we reach out to unionists and engage with them to determine what accommodating them and their understanding of Britishness in a new Ireland would entail. Unionists will have to be convinced that in a New Republic they will be citizens, not subjects, who will be able to greatly influence the political and economic structures required during the transition to the New Republic. It will necessitate us, as republicans to think outside our comfort zone, to consider different constructs that although would be independent and sovereign may not fit our traditional view of the Republic.



In the here and now it means the Irish government stepping up to the mark on a united Ireland. They need to end 80 years of paying lip service to delivering on the promise of the 1916 proclamation.



The Irish government could move now to introduce voting rights for all Irish citizens in November’s Presidential election. They could move now to introduce speaking rights for northern MPs in the Dail.



They need now to begin the preparations for Irish unity. These measures and others are simply a matter of political will and political choices for Enda Kenny and his government.



Towards the New Republic through Economic and Political Unity



I believe that it is generally accepted that if we are to map our way towards Irish unity we need to do so in a manner that is both economically attractive and politically sensitive to those unionists who fear change will disadvantage them. We must change our politics, our economy and our whole society for the better. But we can’t do that without examining a fundamental issue – the way we govern ourselves. At present, Ireland has two states, North and South, and three governments in Dublin, Belfast and London. We have duplication in public services and two sets of currencies, tax systems, social services, laws and regulations.



I think that it is presently recognised across the political and economic spectrum that the way forward out of our current economic morass is through integrated economic structures for the island. We cannot expect to reach our full economic potential by maintaining two economic and political structures for a population of 6 million people. All the people who share this island would benefit from the creation of a vibrant, dynamic all-Ireland economy based on democratic control over Irish monetary and fiscal policies, an equitable and progressive tax regime, a harmonised vat, income tax and corporation tax and all-Ireland regulation of public and private sector business to ensure protection of the economic interests of the people of Ireland



I have no doubt that by presenting the argument for Irish Unity in these non-threatening terms which will have a beneficial impact on peoples’ daily lives it will help convince a majority of those in the north of the benefits of Irish political as well as economic unity. Partition is politically undemocratic and economically unjust. But economic partition can be addressed more immediately and I have no doubt its removal will hasten the demise of political partition.



This will not be easy, but then none of what we have achieved thus far has been easy. We are engaged in a historic and extremely difficult journey which requires strong leadership and more people than ever across the island are looking to Sinn Féin for that leadership. We now have the opportunity to complete the journey to the New Republic that Eamon Lafferty paid the supreme sacrifice fighting for and to do so through peaceful and democratic means. The resources exist to build this New Republic. What we need to do is provide the vision, and show the will and determination to deliver it. I have no doubt that with the encouragement of the legacy of patriots such as Eamon Lafferty and the new generation of youth that they inspired that we are well on the way to achieving our primary goal of Irish reunification, independence and sovereignty.

This long struggle has been a battle of wills about the right of the Irish people to self-determination, independence and freedom.

Republicans were always aware of that. So were the British government and military establishment.

The strategy that we are now pursuing – quite successfully in my opinion – is about reuniting Ireland through peaceful and democratic means. The same struggle – different phase!

And core republican objectives as always are at the heart of everything we do today. And let there be no doubt about it we have a viable project and we have made, are making, and we will continue to make significant progress.



Sinn Féin is clear about our strategy, clear about our goals and clear about the road map to the future. We will not be distracted or put off course.

We have a vision of a new future, a better future, and we have the spirit and the confidence to work with others to achieve this.

There is a role for everyone in this new situation.

Let us stand together, united behind our republican goals.



In the course of the struggle thus far many challenges have been placed in our way, many decisions had to be made. We acknowledge that these challenges and decisions posed great difficulties and indeed apprehension and pain for some people, indeed at times including myself.



As a result a small minority may have felt confused and disconnected from the changing strategy being adopted and an even smaller minority oppowsed the strategy

However to the former I ask that they to honestly look at how far we have travelled in the last forty years and to ask ourselves the question, how best do we deliver our common objective of building the New Republic, re-Uniting Ireland, and what contribution is required of all of us to make it happen? To the latter I say the overwhelming number iof republicans who participated in the struggle support our strategy. Under no circumstances can we allow tiny unrepresentative groups committed to violence prevail over the democratically expressed wishes of the people of Irelands 32 counties in election after election.



In April 2005 Gerry Adams addressed the men and women volunteers of Oglaigh na hÉireann, and he stated:



“In the past I have defended the right of the IRA to engage in armed struggle. I did so because there was no alternative for those who would not bend the knee, or turn a blind eye to oppression, or to those who wanted a National Republic.



“Now there is an alternative



“The way forward is by building political support for republican and democratic objectives across Ireland and by winning support for these goals internationally.



“Sinn Féin has demonstrated the ability to play a leadership role as part of a popular movement towards peace equality and justice. We are totally committed to ending partition and to creating the conditions for unity and independence. Sinn Féin does have the potential and capacity to become the vehicle for the attainment of republican objectives.”



The I.R.A. Leadership and its Volunteers accepted the challenge that was laid before them by Gerry Adams. Their leadership and his vision have been validated. We have grown in strength and political stature with each passing year.



Today we have representatives on every elective forum on the island consisting of 5 ministers in the Executive, two from Derry - myself and Martina, - 5 MP’s, 29 MLA’s, 14 TD’s, 3 Senators, 1 member of Uduarás na Gaeltachta, 1MEP and 256 councillors – the only Party on the island able to claim such an achievement. In 2011- over 400,000 people across Ireland – North, South, East and West voted Sinn Féin.



Our march towards a National Republic continues. Yet we know Sinn Féin has to become bigger and stronger if we are to achieve our national objectives. Sinn Féin in this city has to grow. In the work which lies before us, many more demands will be made of republican activists and the greater our number, the greater our ability to deliver.

We are ready for that task but we need new members to join the Party and just as importantly for others to return to the family and bring to our work, their skills and experience.

Let us all be inspired by Bobby Sands words, find our place, play our part, build on our collective strength and we will achieve our republican objectives.

We are within striking distance of achieving what our fallen comrades gave their lives for. They created the circumstances for us as republicans to achieve our republican objectives. It’s up to each and every one of us who proclaim to be republican to stand shoulder to shoulder and finish the task set for us

Let the laughter of our children be our revenge. Let’s make sure that our children are the generation that see Ireland re-United and Free.



We have within our gift the opportunity to deliver the United, Independent and free Ireland that Eamon Lafferty, James O’ Hagan and their comrades paid the supreme sacrifice for.

They gave their lives and we must now give the rest of our lives to finish this historic task. The most fitting monument we can build to our fallen Volunteers will be the achievement of our republican objectives.



Let’s go from here together, united and determined to make it a reality!

This morning I visit Isbit Abd Rabu for the second time. I visited here one year ago with a group of MEPs after the Israeli offensive. I was horrified and shocked by what I saw then, as I wrote in my blog at that time. I am anxious to see what has changed in the lives of the people here since then.

We talk to a man whose extended family lost 13 houses and whose son was killed in the air attacks. "Our children don't have clothes, decent education, or food. ", he says

He talks of how this area was a most beautiful area before the bombardments. Now there are destroyed houses and a destroyed mosque and nearby the factories, fields and olive groves have been destroyed also.

A woman tells us that the main thing people need now is to rebuild their houses. Because so many people lost their homes it is now also very difficult to find somewhere to rent.

I am very disappointed at the lack of progress in rebuilding and reconstruction. Much of the rubble has been cleared but there is little evidence of progress otherwise.

All the talk of donor conferences and reconstruction is pointless if people do not see change on the ground even after one year. Part of the process of recovery from such trauma is the physical re-building. Here the international community has not made that happen, and people here feel abandoned.
Hopes have been raised only to be dashed again.

Some attempts are being made by local people but rebuilding is very difficult without the necessary materials and these are blocked by the siege.

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After less than four hours sleep we set off from Cairo to make the long journey through the Sinai desert to get to the crossing point into Gaza.

We stop on the way and there are more introductions. - some national parliamentarians from Greece, from Poland and from Switzerland.

Majed Al-Zeer of the Palestinian Return Centre tells us he was born in Bethlehem but has not been back to Palestine since 1967.

Rafah is partly on the Egyptian side and partly in Gaza. People cannot go from one to the other without prior permission and this depend on the decision of the Egyptian government.

Even this VIP delegation has waited 2 months for permission to enter Gaza through Rafah.

Now we have arrived and we have been told in advance that crossing at Rafah should go smoothly and that there should be no long delays in getting into Gaza. It takes an hour and a half and then the delegation enters.

As we go in Omar Faris who has accompanied the Polish parliamentarians that he is a Palestinian who has never set foot in Palestine before. It is an emotional moment for him. He was born in a tent on the Golan Heights between Palestine and Jordan and lived in other countries since then.

The delegation is received by the deputy speaker in Gaza. At the press conference he says he hopes the visit by the European Parliament will be followed by a visit by the Arab League.

Gerard Kaufmann talks of the suffering of people in Gaza. He says. The oppressed people of Gaza must have their voice in the world.
'We shall report back to our parliament and our government on what we see and what we learn on this visit. We will be your voice but we will not replace your voice' he says.
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On the plane now from Cairo to Brussels with several MEPs including Nessa Childers and Aidan O Sullivan from Nessa's office.
Further up the plane I see German MEP Helmut Scholz and Portugese MEP Marisa Matias, while Borris Zala MEP from Slovakia sits across the aisle from us. He speculates about what the situation will be like on the ground in Gaza.

British MEP Richard Howitt reminds us that other delegations in recent times have expected to get into Gaza but haven't managed at the last minute. "We're not in until we're in" he says. How right he is.

This morning in Brussels we had a meeting of the European Parliament delegation for relations with Palestine where the chair Proinsias de Rossa gave an account of that delegation's visit to Palestine in December and the u-turn by the Israeli government which had given them visas and then told them at the last minute that they would not be able to enter Gaza.

They spoke of the very serious situation on the West Bank with expulsions of Palestinians and the continued building of settlements.

There is some discussion about the present talk of re-starting negotiations and the Palestinian representative in his presentation to the delegation members spoke of the importance of halting all settlement building.

Israeli statements about not sharing Jerusalem is also an issue for people at the meeting and there is some welcome for the EU Council statement of 8 December that the EU will not recognise any changes to the pre-1967 borders including Jerusalem other than those agreed by the parties.

I gave the meeting some information about our European parliamentarians delegation to Gaza this week and promise to give an account of our visit on our return.

It is now 10.30 at night. We have arrived at Cairo airport and met up with delegates coming off the other flights. Among those on the flight from Heath row are Jeremy Corbyn, Claire Short and the leader of the delegation Gerald Kaufmann. There is a great buzz as people meet old friends and acquaintances. The logistics of moving a group this size from place to place will be quite something.

There are some very impressive buildings on the journey in from the airport but they pass by in a haze. Cairo speed limits or the lack of them are quite something also.

Tonight we soak up the atmosphere of Cairo and of meeting the other delegation members
Tomorrow morning first thing we leave for Gaza.

The NGO square inside the Bella Centre was previously full of colourful and mostly youthful displays or protests to remind the politicians of what is at stake here. Now it is a much more barren space as the security tightens and NGOs are left outside.

Even before today there were problems and many NGOs and climate affected communities came to Copenhagen but couldn't get as far as the talks. So we've has demonstrations outside with a rigorous reaction from Danish police - pushing, shoving and blocking.

Inside, security has gone mad, with badges checked every 100 metres on the way in and MEPs, officials and other participants pushed roughly aside as Gordon Brown, Nicholas Sarkozy or Angela Merkel walk by. Heaven help us once President Obama arrives!!

However, the big question inside is what kind of deal is now possible.

115 world leaders will not want to go home without a deal. That could be an effective pressure to seal the deal but it could also provide temptation to go for a 'green wash' on nothing of value.

I wish the NG0s were still here - or as far as some are concerned, here in the first place.

Among negotiators there is a problem of trust with developing countries worried about any suggestion of a deal that doesn't have the legally binding emissions reductions targets for developed countries that Kyoto has.

The most vulnerable countries who did least to cause climate change but will suffer most as a result want credible and ambitious reduction targets in this deal.

Those who have seen developed countries pledge the same money over and over again also want to be sure that financing in this deal is real as well as adequate.

On the other hand there is a certain amount of filibustering going on by others who don't urgently require a deal.

Will there be a deal? A comprehensive legally binding treaty will not be signed now.

Can there be a politically binding deal with a date for having the elements put into a legally binding deal? There can be and there must be.

The pieces are mostly there if the political will is there to put them on the table.

So will those who hold the pieces put them on the table? Will they put enough on the table or try to put less than they need to and just annoy everyone else?

Get ready for announcements as countries jockey not to be the losers in the blame game.

Now is the time to tell political leaders to make the deal, and to put the cards they are holding on the table.

Now is the time to tell rich countries we don't want the same money re-packaged and announced again

Now is the time to tell them that square brackets are sooooo last year.

Now is the time to ask them if they moved so decisively to save the banks do they not think the climate needs saving?

The young protesters inside are gone, but on our way in each day on the metro we pass a lorry bearing the logo ' Politicians talk: leaders act'.

Connie Hedegaard has been replaced by Lars Rasmussen as chair COP 15 for high level segment. She will continue be a special representative and to conduct informal consultations on behalf of the Danish COP Presidency.

Almost a scuffle now with many parties trying to get into the plenary. Countries have already protested to the chair about delegation members who have had difficulty getting in.

Inside the plenary, South Africa, on behalf of G77 and China has proposed that the text from the Kyoto working group be referred back to that working group for further technical work for a period of one day.

The new chair Lars Rasmussen emphasises to the plenary that discussion on the way to proceed is suspended for the speeches of the world leaders and that there will be a COP meeting at 1pm where all concerns raised about AWG-KP and LCA can be addressed and discussion on this can continue.

China, Brazil, South Africa, India and others raising points of order, so the high level segment has not yet begun.

UPDATE:

The High level segment with speeches by Heads of State has now started.

Tomorrow, Wednesday, the high level segment of the UN Climate talks begins, with Heads of State expected by Friday.

Apart from the lack of clear and ambitious figures on emissions reductions and on financing, agreement is also lacking on the shape or form of the deal.

Without a continuation of Kyoto, the bulk of the developing countries won't sign up to a deal. The US refuses point bank to re-join Kyoto and the EU and others would have difficullty with being tied to legally - binding commitments under the Kyotol Protocol if the US doesn't rejoin and makes no legally binding commitments under the other track.

The world needs to know what real emissions reductions will be made and to know that the necessary financing will be made available to fund the actions to tackle climate change and its effects.

A possible shape is looming with targets under Kyoto for those who are a party to it and the same targets also in another track which contains commitments from the US.

One thing is certain. There needs to be a legally binding outcome on both tracks.

Emerging economies like China and India also have to engage but it makes no sense to expect them to be put on the same level of effort as the main industrialised countries.
This is not the time to try and change the language of Bali.

Tomorrow (Wed) Connie Hedgaard will have to work out how to bring the process forward after the two documents - one from each track, are presented to her.

Meanwhile, in the alternative venue, the klimaforum, Monsanto have been given the infamous 'angry mermaid award.'

After impasse today, an informal consultation started on Kyoto.

Now, in plenary, putting fwd Ministerial informal consultation on LCA - developing country emissions reductions, developed country emissions reductions, financing, trade issues, aviation and maritime bunker fuels, market mechanisms.

Selecting areas where roadblocks reached in technical areas and Ministers focus in on the difficult points within those areas

e.g in developing country emissions -information on actions taken without international support.

Still far too much in square brackets. Have to try to break this down.

Need the ambitious deal - so had to have this process of informal consultations at the political level. Now need the political will to move forward

It's a small world. Travelling through London to Copenhagen I sit beside young Anton Frederickson from Vancouver who is Canadian Scout Ambassador to the Climate Talks. He has missed some of it because of school but is more than willing to make up for lost time. He tells me he doesn't know much about the topic but then in conversation shows that he knows a lot more than he thinks. He spots the Premier of British Columbia on the same plane and heads off to say hello.

When we collect our baggage he meets up with others from the scout movement and I head off to get the metro into the centre of Copenhagen.

In the metro station I meet up with John Gilliland who tells me of two very interesting sessions, one on agriculture and one on forestry. The most telling point is how passionate the US Secretary of State for Agriculture has been about tackling the climate issue. He came at 1.30pm to make his presentation but then stayed right though to 6.30pm engaging with the others - "for his grandchildren" he says. . A sign of the times? Hopefully!

Copenhagen has laid on shuttle buses, and free bicycles as well as the metro and the S-train; a good example of sustainable transport.
Apparently our European Parliament delegation will be biking towards the Bella Centre for the conference on Tuesday, so watch out for that one.

Obama arrives Friday apparently, so the advice is travel by metro, S-train or bicycle 'cause the roads will be blocked!

As for the UN Negotiations, the negotiating documents have far too many square brackets (undecided issues) at present. It will take political will as well as hard work to get them sorted by the end of the week.

I first met Senator Teddy Kennedy early in October 1994 in Boston. The IRA cessation was over a month old. I was in the USA for a fortnight long coast to coast visit – a frenetic city a day whirlwind tour. We started in Boston and Teddy was there to greet us at the airport. From our first meeting I was very taken by him. He had played a very crucial role in the build up to the cessation, in particular by supporting a visa for me. Then as the painstaking work of constructing a peace process continued in Ireland and as it created the possibility and opportunity of an IRA cessation he also intervened to support an immediate visa for the late Joe Cahill.

Teddy’s sister Jean Kennedy Smith, US Ambassador to Ireland, played a pivotal role in the last minute tick tacking between Sinn Féin through Fr Alex Reid, the Taoiseach Albert Reynolds and her brother the Senator. The Cahill visa issue went down to the wire. Sinn Fein had our own contacts with the White House and I had made the case that a visa for Joe Cahill would be proof that the USA supported an alternative way for republicans to pursue our objectives.

The Taoiseach was also lobbying the White House. But as is now a matter of public record President Clinton was being offered conflicting advice by his own system. It is my view that Senator Kennedys direct appeal was crucial. So also was the encouraging role of his sister Jean. Joe’s visit to the USA, even as news of the IRA cessation was being announced, showed the Irish Republican base in the States as well as in Ireland, that there was another way forward.

Teddy’s role in getting the Joe Cahill visa was always a source of much humour for the Senator. Apparently the State Department came back with Joe’s record. Aside from numerous terms of imprisonment and a deportation from the USA he was also sentenced to death in the 1940’s for the killing of an RUC officer. He and others escaped the hangman’s noose but one of their group, Joe’s friend Tom Williams, was hanged in Belfast prison.

‘I never said he was an altar boy’ the Senator recalled telling the US authorities.

He himself was firmly against political violence. He was a long standing supporter of John Hume. The Irish government’s role in the USA in the 70’s, 80’s and early 90’s was very divisive and badly advised, more concerned with anti-IRA propaganda than genuine work for peace or national reconciliation in Ireland. Or for the rights of Irish citizens, particularly in the north of Ireland or Britain.

For his part Senator Kennedy never allowed this to prevent him from being an advocate for citizens rights. And when called on to stand up for a real peace process Teddy Kennedy stood up.

Later at other critical phases in the process particularly when the IRA cessation broke down almost two years later in 1996, on the back of John Major’s government and the unionists refusing to talk to republicans the Senator stayed steady. In 1997 he made a keynote speech calling on the British government to set a date for Sinn Féin’s entry into talks. For this he was roundly abused by London.

In the end of course he was vindicated.

My thanks to him for being a good friend to Ireland. And to Britain also as it turned out. And for lots of good work on many causes including rights for illegials in the USA.

Teddy was a good American. His work in the US Senate is the stuff of legend. He was a genuine and powerful voice for disadvantaged people in his own country for almost five decades. My condolences to his wife Vicky and family, and to Jean. My sympathy also to his colleagues in the Senate and Congress. And to the American people who have lost a champion.