Sinn Féin - On Your Side

Collusion Dossier - 'Who sanctioned Britain's Death Squads - Time for Truth'

27 May, 2003

paganda operations, creating an avalanche of spin aimed at destabilising the process in general and republicans in particular. All this is intended to exacerbate an already bad situation.

The Policing Board cannot investigate these matters. It has no powers to investigate either MI5 the British Army or incidents involving the RUC prior to 1999.

The Ombudsman's powers to investigate such matters are yet to be tested but the point is somewhat moot, given that it is already clear is that the Ombudsman does not have the financial resources to conduct such inquiries. She also has no power whatsoever to investigate the British Army or MI5.

Action Required

The position of the Finucane, Nelson and Hamill families is clear and unambiguous. They are demanding independent judicial inquiries into the deaths of Pat Finucane, Rosemary Nelson and Robert Hamill.. Sinn Féin unequivocally endorses that position.

We believe the eviden

Executive Summary

For 30 years, the British government, through its agencies - MI5, British Military Intelligence and RUC/PSNI Special Branch - has been involved in the murder of citizens in Ireland. Together, they directed the activities of various unionist paramilitary death squads. This was much more than simply passing on information. This was about the deliberate and orchestrated targeting and assassination of hundreds of citizens.

MI5 was and remains in charge. It is their job to monitor the activities of Military Intelligence and PSNI Special Branch. MI5 is obliged to report on all of these matters to Whitehall and to Downing Street. In the period covered by this dossier, MI5 reported directly to Margaret Thatcher, John Major and Tony Blair, respectively, in their capacity as British Prime Minister.

The report of the Stevens' Inquiry, handed over to the PSNI on April 17th, 2003, the third such report in 14 years, was not publishece of collusion between British government agencies and loyalist paramilitaries demands this. Three separate police inquiries have failed to get to the root of the matter. Immunity from prosecution granted by the British government to some of those involved has presented an obstacle to the truth that has been insurmountable to date. There is no confidence in the nationalist community in Ireland that any British government agency will get to the bottom of what is involved here.

This is, in part, a legacy of the British government's "Widgery Inquiry" into the killing of 13 civilians by the British Army on Bloody Sunday 1972, an inquiry that has been totally discredited as a whitewash.

This has been reinforced by the British government's refusal to co-operate with its own inquiry into Bloody Sunday -- the Saville Inquiry. The obstructive conduct of the British Minister of Defence in impeding the inquiry is such as to prevent it fully investigating d. Instead a 19-page document titled 'Stevens' Enquiry: Overview and Recommendations' was issued. This highlighted:

  • Collusion;
  • The wilful failure to keep records;
  • The absence of accountability;
  • The withholding of intelligence and evidence;
  • Agents being involved in murder.

John Stevens also highlighted the pattern of obstruction he faced and said it was cultural in its nature and widespread in parts of the British Army and RUC. He said that he was confronted by a wall of silence, crucial evidence was destroyed, information was leaked to loyalist paramilitaries before the planned arrest of senior loyalists and British agent Nelson, his incident room was destroyed by fire and he was lied to about the existence of particular documents. He also reported that the RUC routinely failed to conduct adequate investigations and prevented proper investigations.

RUC Specthe role of the British Army on that day.

The 14 years it has taken to produce Stevens 3, a limited enquiry which still remains far from complete because of official obstruction underlines this.

  • Sinn Féin fully supports the inquiry demands by the Finucane, Nelson and Hamill families.
  • We demand full and proper disclosure of all relevant information by British government departments and agencies in relation to all cases of collusion. For example, there must be full disclosure to inquests, the Stevens' Inquiry, the Saville Tribunal and the Barron Inquiry.
  • We demand the publication in full of the Stevens'? and Sampson/Stalker reports.
  • The FRU/JSG must be disbanded.
  • The Patten Report on policing, must be implemented in full. The British government signed up to a police service which is representative, accountable, acceptable to the community as a whole and imbial Branch, including those with an involvement in the most serious allegations of collusion with loyalist paramilitaries (which lies at the heart of these incidents), transferred into the PSNI Special Branch and continue to obstruct attempts to get to the truth.

    Successive British governments have sanctioned murder. They have employed agents. They have given them a license to kill and the freedom to act with impunity.

    British agents help arm unionist paramilitaries with hundreds of weapons and grenades requisitioned from South Africa.

    No member of the British Army's covert Force Research Unit (FRU), or of the RUC Special Branch, has been charged with any offence relating to attacks on 80 people that can be traced to files held by British agent Brian Nelson, including the killings of 29 people.

    Intelligence agencies have not been subjected to any process of reform. They have not been made subject to a public debate about accountability ued with a human rights ethos. The PSNI as currently constituted is unaccountable and unacceptable. There must be full local democratic accountability.

  • The British government must end the operations by British Intelligence agencies aimed at destabilising the peace process.
  • The Irish Government must seek and be afforded full and proper disclosure by the British Government on all information vital to the rights and welfare of Irish citizens and the defence of the peace process.
in the way the issue of policing has. Instead, MI5 and Military Intelligence - the FRU being a case in point - have remained immune from change.

The British Military Intelligence personnel involved in these matters are still in place and have had their activities endorsed by the British government. Some 70 honours and awards have been made to the British Army unit involved in colluding with loyalists in the killing of Irish citizens - the Force Research Unit (FRU).

The public had been led to believe that the Force Research Unit had been disbanded but it has actually just been renamed the Joint Services Group (JSG). The policies and practices that led to the death of Pat Finucane and 28 other people as a result of FRU agent Brian Nelson's files are still in place today.

British Intelligence agencies and their agents are still fighting their war. They continue to undermine the peace process by mounting propaganda operations, creating an avalan

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